Crime Control Essay Online For Free - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 10 Words: 2933 Downloads: 8 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Law Essay Type Analytical essay Tags: Crime Essay Did you like this example? What is distinctive about the political ideas underpinning crime control in the past 30 years? Margaret Thatcher famously commented that â€Å"there is no such thing as society† (1987) and in that comment is ample evidence of the Thatcher governments adherence to ‘New Right Realism, arguably the dominant political philosophy underpinning crime control policies throughout the 1980s and 1990s and which continues to be a major influence on criminal justice policy to this day. Walklate explains the concept of Right Realism as a product of governments targeting public expenditure in response to the changing economic climates of the 1970s. It entailed a completely new discussion of how social problems should be dealt with. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Crime Control Essay Online For Free" essay for you Create order The shift to this new understanding occurred both in the UK, particularly as a result of the election of the Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher, and in the US under the Reagan administration among others. One of the foremost American theorists in the US at the time was criminologist James Q. Wilson. Wilson was President Reagans adviser on crime and argued that crime does not have ‘root causes embodied in the context of individual citizens lives but that people choose to commit crime on the basis of the possible rewards offered (Blake, 2001). Essentially, New Right Realism as a political and criminological philosophy began with Wilson who proposed, in association with George Kelling (1982), the idea that crime is an inevitable result of disorder. They argued that if a window is broken and left unrepaired people walking by will believe that no one is in control and no one cares. This will lead inexorably to more windows being broken and before too long a sense of ana rchy and disorder will develop. This idea became known as the ‘broken windows theory. Young (1983) noted Wilsons rise as an influential figure in the US, but he became even more influential with his association with Richard Hernstein with whom he wrote the book Crime and Human Nature (Wilson Hernstein, 1985). In this book, the authors wrote that crime was disproportionately the preserve of young men living in large cities. Walklate argues that these two authors essentially constructed a criminal personality based on age, sex, body type and personality and that these qualities are presented almost as ‘biological givens. Walklate cites Young (1994) in observing that essentially Wilson and Hernstein concerned themselves primarily with maintaining order rather than necessarily delivering justice. Young comments that such a view is based on Rational Choice Theory which (in its criminological manifestation) refuses to address the causes of crime but instead is concerned wi th its management. Cornish and Clarke (1986) not only supported this notion but went on to describe the actions of the criminal as being based purely on economic motives in which human beings are regarded as being driven by profit motives. Fundamentally this way of thinking was a product of the work of Cohen and Felson (1979) who argue that crime is the product of three factors coming together at a particular time, notably motivation, a victim and a lack of a potential guardian. This then set the pattern for the New Right Realism that was to be adopted in the UK, primarily by the Thatcher government. John Lea (1997) argues that the central task of the Thatcher government was the political and ideological management of the process of destroying the old Keynesian welfare state but that necessarily entailed a deepening authoritarianism throughout society. Essentially Thatcher sought to isolate the problems of the poor from any consideration of state responsibility arguing that peopl e were responsible for themselves. In this context, the welfare state moved from being seen as a system of support to being a source of debilitating passivity which must be replaced by a concept of people acting for themselves and thereby taking responsibility for their own misfortune. Part of this thinking involved the breakup of the trade union movement or at least placing strong restraints on unions ability to interfere with the labour market, local government or to resist the Thatcherite programme. It also meant that society had to be depoliticised so that libertarian politics and free market capitalism remained formed the basis of everyday life in every sector. Crime control was therefore an essential part of this programme (Downes Morgan, 1994). To a certain extent, Lea maintains, a crackdown on crime would have been essential since crime levels had been rising steadily since the 1960s and according to police statistics had doubled in the 1980s. The British Crime Survey (B CS) also indicated such a rise in crime figures. What is important however is that the Thatcher government integrated crime control into political and particularly ideologically-driven thinking since it was considered to be an important element in the drive towards creating the model apolitical citizen advocated by New Right Conservatism. One of the main initiatives in this programme was the Neighbourhood Watch scheme, introduced in 1983. This was an American idea based on the encouragement of ordinary citizens to keep watch on their own areas and report suspicious behaviour to the police. Lea argues that the idea of an ‘active citizen as espoused in the thinking behind the Neighbourhood Watch Scheme, was an essentially middle class concept and this explains why the scheme had little effect on crime, since Neighbourhood Watch systems were set up in middle class areas where there was little actual crime and therefore where they were not actually needed. They were areas where the fear of crime was growing rather than crime itself. Meanwhile, in areas affected by real poverty, in which there was little sense of community, high unemployment and high crime rates such initiatives were actually quite useless, since there often tended to be a sense of active warfare between young people and the police. Local council estates were particularly affected and so local authorities were considered to be the main agents for crime control. A philosophy of ‘dangerousness and ‘risk management began to form the basis for discussion with regard to crime and this led to the idea of poverty and homelessness being breeding grounds for disorder rather than being considered as social problems. Because much of the funding for crime prevention came from central government, the government came to insist that in order to be eligible for funding, local authorities had to coordinate their crime prevention plans with the police. This was little more than an attempt to ensure that political influence was kept to a minimum. While all this was going on the Thatcher government also began to compel local authorities to sell off public housing to those people who could afford to buy their own homes. This meant that the remaining public housing stock was inhabited by the poorest communities in the country and therefore areas in which crime was rife. Central government funding was increasingly restricted and was accompanied by measures to reduce the power of local authorities to vary local taxes. This meant that while local authorities were being asked to become the main agents for crime control they very often found they had limited resources to fund initiatives. Many local authorities concentrated ‘problem families in particular areas and with regards to the physical environment of council estates, a form of ‘architectural determinism, as Lea puts it, began to take over. In essence, a number of theorists began to suggest that particular architectural styles of building could be used as an agent against crime. Much of this was directed towards council estates and one of the most prominent thinkers in this respect was Alice Colman who offered guidance to the Design Improvement Controlled Experiment (DICE) programme of redesign begun in 1990. Lea notes that the idea was to make it harder for criminals to enter and also to escape from these estates but he observes that this has led to an assumption in which a criminal is someone who is essentially an outsider, who needs to be watched and deterred from entry. In practice however, most criminals are locals rather than strangers. A number of critics have condemned these ideas as almost completely ineffective (e.g. Foster, 1983; Osborne Shaftoe, 1995) while according to Rose Gilroy et al (1995) some tenants have complained that the practice of dividing blocks into units and encouraging accompanying gardens merely prepares public housing units for private ownership. It can be seen therefore that the essence of Right Realism is essentially punitive. Montorosso refers to this as ‘popular punitivism and he explains it as something that is based more on emotions and symbolism than on expert-driven penal policy. This lends itself to political advantage (Maruna King, 2004), particularly to those politicians advocating prison as an almost default solution – the ‘prison works idea (Frieberg, 2001). This then tends to diminish criminology by virtue of subordinating criminal policy to tabloid interpretation, something that has been extended by the Labour government through their courting of the media. In essence, high profile cases are allowed to take precedence which then creates a fertile ground for authoritarian responses. In the process the debate is transferred from the realm of criminologists to the public arena, particularly with regard to those who are ‘living in fear and thus demand action (Garland, 1996, Thomas, 2004). Th omas notes that in this climate, the interests of the victim and ‘victim status underpin punitive approaches. Montorosso comments that the Thatcher government maintained a sustained discourse based on a punitive rhetoric characterised by themes of retribution and deterrence and reinforced by a ‘near-unconditionally backed police service. This approach continued to be followed by the Major government. Both administrations argued that crime could not be explained by ‘social conditions, thus following the philsophy of Wilson and Hernstein. To some extent, having also been promulgated by the New Labour governments of Blair and Brown and characterised by the stock phrase ‘tough on crime and tough on the causes of crime, it continues to this day. Some may express surprise that the New Labour government followed their Conservative predecessors, but Montorosso accurately notes that New Labour has regularly been described as ‘popularist and ‘punitively managerialist in nature, drawing attention that after Blairs election over 1000 new offences were created up until early 2005. Indeed, Montorosso comments that the Blair government showed ‘incredible aptitude in its management of ‘message through a policy of focusing public attention on toughness via press conferences, interviews and public meetings. Mackenzie (2008) has suggested that New Labours approach effectively established moral and normative reference points for governance through a media and politically driven focus on the icon of ‘the other, in essence the perceived sense of threat represented by archetypes of the irritant, the outsider and the dangerous. This then provided encouragement and justification for punitive state action and this was further encouraged by the ‘war on terror rhetoric (Loader, 2006). These messages were delivered in a language that was easily understood by the public, particularly via tabloid journalism (Mackenzie). Mont orosso correctly identifies American influence in the policies of the Blair government. He comments that the ‘tough on crime rhetoric has been prevalent in the US since the days of President Nixon with his ‘war on crime of the 1960s, turning into a ‘war on drugs during the Reagan administration of the 1980s. Montorosso observes that this form of discourse is a ‘well entrenched ingredient in American political debate. It formed an important part of President Bill Clintons electoral victory over Michael Dukakis, primarily through the support of George Bush Senior who instituted a negative advertising campaign claiming that Dukakis was ‘soft on crime. Conclusion: Lilly, Cullen and Ball (1995) argue that there is no particular dispensation of conservative politics towards Right Realism but Walklate argues that the obsession with the individual in Right Realist theories lends itself towards such a conclusion in particular social contexts. He argues that in times of economic stress, it is tempting for governments to blame the individual as a means of cutting back public expenditure. Lily, Cullen and Ball critique Wilson and Hernsteins work on the basis that, through viewing criminality in terms of a particular biological disposition, credence is given to the idea that criminals are beyond redemption and therefore worthy of punitive action. Walklate supports this conclusion by arguing that it tends to result in particular policy inconsistencies and even contradictions. Thus Right Realism argues that crime is directly a result of what is ‘real, rather than resulting in changes in reporting practice, policy or the law. It is therefore inher ently political and ideological. This meant that the approach taken by the Thatcher government towards crime control was characterised most notably by its authoritarianism. Rather than moving away from this approach, both the Major and New Labour governments enforced it. New Labour particularly were very effective in managing an authoritarian crime control policy in the style of an almost ‘corporate PR campaign which manipulated and milked public support. This is the distinguishing feature of political involvement in crime control of the past thirty years. An attitude marked by authoritarian penal policy, extensive state support for the police, isolation of poverty stricken areas within the community accompanied by a certain level of ‘demonisation both directly and through the media. Something that hasnt been discussed in this essay but which forms an important part of the authoritarian approach of the past thirty years is the, again American inspired, philosophy of ‘zero tolerance policing. Lea discusses this in his online essay noting that a great deal of support for this idea has been expressed by British police forces. It originated in New York, the brainchild of the NYPD police chief William Bratton (1997) and described by Lea as essentially a more belligerent form of the Wilson-Kelling strategy and involving an aggressive response by police officers towards incidences of disorder and petty anti-social behaviour. As with other forms of punitive penalism, it targeted the poor, particularly street beggars, drinkers and ‘squeegee car washers operating at traffic junctions. Bratton and others claimed it was an effective measure, but the reality is, as Lea points out, that crime rates had been falling in most North American cities for some years previously and therefore had nothing to do with the aggressiveness of police officers. Nevertheless, the UK Home Secretary at the time warmed to the idea enthusiastically despite the fact th at aggressive policing in the UK is hardly new. As Lea points out, such policing tactics were often used to clear young black males from London streets but Chief Constable Charles Pollard of Thames Valley Police has argued that such an approach merely ends up targeting ethnic minorities resulting in potentially explosive situations and actual riots such as that which occurred in Brixton in 1981. As Montorosso notes, punitive approaches are not limited to the UK. Having spread across the globe, originating primarily from the US, such attitudes are now found in many countries across the world. Montoross argues that penal policy should embrace values of safety and freedom from fear but that it should be achieved through a mix of measures including rehabilitation of offenders, developmental or situational crime prevention, socialization and education alongside deterrence and incarceration. However, achieving the right level of balance is not easy but the dangers of getting it wrong t hrough the implementation of an overzealous penal policy means that a state can become, as Montorosso puts it, ‘unduly and unjustly intrusive on the liberty of citizens. References: Blake, A. (2001), Review of Wilsons book Thinking About Crime (published 1975) [Online] Retrieved from: https://www.freeservants.us/thinkcrime.html Bratton, W. (1997), Crime is Down in New York City: blame the police in Dennis, N. (ed.) Zero Tolerance, Policing a Free Society. Choice in Welfare No. 35, London, Institute of Economic Affairs Downes, D. Morgan, R. (1994), ‘Hostages to Fortune? The politics of law and order in post-war Britain, in Maguire, M., Morgan, R. Reiner, R. (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Criminology, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Foster, G. (1993), ‘Housing, Community and Crime: The impact of the Priority Estates Project, Home Office Research and Planning Unit Report No. 131. Freiberg, A. (2001), ‘Affective Versus Effective Justice: Instrumentalism and Emotionalism in Criminal Justice 3(2) Punishment Society 265, 270. Garland, D., (1996), ‘The Limits of Sovereign Power, Strategies of Crime Control in Contemporary Soc iety 36(4) British Journal of Criminology 445, 460. Gilroy, R., Madani Pour, A., Roe, M., Thompson, I. Townshend, T. (1995), ‘Safety, Crime, Vulnerability and Design: An Annotated Bibliography, Department of Town and Country Planning, Newcastle. Lea, J. (1997), ‘From integration to exclusion: the development of crime prevention policy in the United Kingdom, based on a talk given at the University of Barcelona and subsequently published in the Italian journal Polis: Richerche e Studi su Società   e Politica in Italia (Bologna) No 1/99 pp 77-98. [Online] Retrieved from: https://www.bunker8.pwp.blueyonder.co.uk/misc/polis.htm Lilly, J., Cullen, F. and Ball, R., (1995). Criminological Theory: Context and Consequences (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications, Inc. Loader, I. (2004), ‘Fall of the Platonic Guardians, Liberalism, Criminology and Political Responses to Crime in England and Wales 46(4) British Journal of Criminology,561, 574-8 Mackenzie, S., (2008), ‘Second-Chance Punitivism and the Contractual Governance of Crime and Incivility; New Labour, Old Hobbes 35(2) Journal of Law and Society 214. Maruna, S. King, S., (2004) ‘Public Opinion and Community Penalties, in Bottoms, A., Rex, S. and Robinson, G. (eds), Alternatives to Prison. Options for an Insecure Society 83, 84. Osborne, S. Shaftoe, H. (1995), ‘Safer Neighbourhoods? Successes and failures in crime prevention, Joseph Rowntree Foundation Thomas, T. (2004), ‘When Public Protection becomes Punishment? The UK Use of Civil Measures to Contain the Sex Offender, European Journal of Criminal Policy and Research 338. Walklate, S., (1998) Undertanding right realism, Walklate, S., Understanding criminology, 34-48, Open University Press Wilson, J. Kelling, G. (1982), ‘Broken Windows: The police and neighbourhood safety, Atlantic Monthly, 29, 38 Thatcher, Margaret (1987), comment made during an interview with Womans Own m agazine, October 31st 1987

Prostitution And Women s Rights Essay - 1084 Words

Prostitution and Women Rights in Chicago. This research paper discusses social issues related to prostitution in Chicago, a city along route 66 and is divided into four sections. In the first section, definition of prostitution is discussed. Also different forms of prostitution are listed. It should be clearly stated there s no one accepted definition of prostitution. The term prostitution is controversial. Sociologists are still debating on how prostitution should be defined. Moreover, prostitution has different meaning in different time and location. The second section provides background of prostitution in Chicago. The prevalence and current situation of the problem is discussed. Being one of the oldest profession in America, a brief history is provided. This section also distinguishes among different types of prostitutions in terms of their mode of operation. 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Pestle Analysis for Education Free Essays

Political| * Schools being privatised (like the NHS) * A government initiative creates the risk that the school may fail to deliver the policy or be diverted away from local priorities etc. * Changes to the skills required to be a teacher/ tutor * Changes to curriculum with short lead times * Requirement to be self managing * Requirement to be self financing| Economic| * Central or local government funding decisions may affect school/ establishment finances * Closure of a local industry may affect fund raising plans etc. Ability of parents to raise funds for optional activities * The need to run breakfast/ after schools clubs * Ability to invest ‘savings/ surpluses’ * Cost of providing resources: * Staff – teaching support * Basics – books/ paper * Technology solutions laptops etc * Interest rates * Shortages of materials on national/ international markets * Over provision of school places in the area resulting in competition from neighbouring schools * Th e risk of highly valued, key staff moving on to more ‘up and coming’ schools/ academies| Social| * Decline in birth rate, reflecting national trends * Local population changes (increasing/ decreasing numbers) * Demographic changes may affect likely pupil rolls or the nature of pupils needs e. We will write a custom essay sample on Pestle Analysis for Education or any similar topic only for you Order Now g. pupils with English as a second language etc. Closure of local firms providing employment * Inability to attract staff * Social networking – blogs, facebook, twitter * Changes to qualifications expected * Integration with local community * Integration of students with special needs * parental preference – an increase in ‘parent power’ has allowed parents more freedom of choice over their child’s school * the risk of highly valued, key staff moving on to more up-and-coming establishments * Information is accessible to staff anywhere in the world via the Internet * Staff were not given enough training or access to effectively change their habits and how they expected information to be made available| Technological| * Changes to standards/ equipment required * Risk of selecting the wrong technology at times of change (i. e. windows -v- open source) * New computer viruses may affect school/ college operations, * Disturbing/ illegal images on the inte rnet may affect ICT security measures etc. * Move from paper based books to e-book readers * Computer hardware being out of date * Computer software being out of date * Time to anage IT systems  | Legislative| * new legislation may create risks of non-compliance with the law, create new administrative burdens etc * Changes to child protection legislation * Raise the age of school leaving age * Raise/ lower the age of starting school. Nursery/ kindergarten * Change to school opening hours * Changes to funding of charity based organisations * Health safety legislation| Environmental| * A new highway layout near the school may create new dangers for pupils etc * Waste disposal * Reduction of green space available for activities * Changes to local bus routes * Using a significant amounts of paper and photocopier toner to produce printed information. | How to cite Pestle Analysis for Education, Essay examples

Reviewing Law on Sex with Minors for Social Media- myassignmenthelp

Question: Discuss about theReviewing Law on Sex with Minors for Social Media. Answer: Introduction Sex with minors is a crime in almost all countries of the world. Additionally, sharing pornographic photos of children or sexting is also a crime. In recent times, and with the advancement in technology, more importantly, social media, there are increased cases of such offenses (Wittes, Poplin, Jurecic, Spera, 2016). Also, the judgment passed on the convict appears to be lenient to the eyes of the public. Thus, it is important to look at factors that one must put into considerations in reviewing the existing laws. Broadly, the factors appear to involve judicial precedents, studying the current law and making the necessary improvement in a way that the law remains fair but not influenced by the public pressure. Review of the Law Firstly, Singapore as a state forbids sex with children under the age of 16 years. The act is a crime, and in recent times, the public is at the forefront in pressurizing the government to legislate tougher laws than the existing ones. Specifically, sex under the age of 16 is illegal. Additionally, making love with minors under the age of 14 years is rape even if the child gives consent. The law argues that children below that age are not capable of consent for sex. Moreover, the law forbids sharing of pornographic materials that involves minors, in any platform, especially, on social media (MOHAN, 2016)). These laws appear to sit not so well with the public, and they have a call for their repeal or rather an improvement to make them tougher. Thus, what are factors that one ought to consider in reviewing the laws? One of the most common ways of determining whether the law or judgment is just and fair is by looking at judicial precedents. These are previous convictions to cases that appear similar (Radics, 2013)). In a recent case that involves a martial art instructor, Joshua Robinson, who serves a four-year sentence for having sex with two 15 years old children appears lenient to the public. Additionally, the instructor is in prison for sharing pornographic photos that involve minors. Even though the public sees the punishment as not fair, considering the magnitude of the crime, judicial precedents are actually in line with the verdict (Chua, Chu, Yim, Chong, Teoh, 2014). The office of the attorney general argues in responding to the public outcry, states that the judgment is fair and in line with the existing law. The public is of the opinion that the instructor ought to have been given tougher punishment which includes canning, thus, putting pressure on the judicial system to review the la w. Another factor that needs to be put into consideration, as far as reviewing the law is concerned is the different classes that exist about sex with minors. In carrying out the offense, various incidents call for non-uniformity in the passing of judgment. Firstly, there is sex with minors that involve violence. Another one is that which include gang rape and also one that inflicts pain or injures the victim (Terry, 2012). In addition to that, there may be a situation where the person charged with a responsibility of protecting the child is the one committing such an offense. Therefore, in reviewing the law on sex with the kids, the various classes need to be a factor to be considered in an attempt to make laws that are just and fair to both parties. Lastly, as laws serve the public, it is important to include the public in reviewing the laws on sex with minors as they form part of those directly affected by the very laws in practice. In addition to that, Singapore minister of justice also believes that it is pivotal in including the public in reviewing laws on sex with children (Vendius, 2015). However, this is not to say that the public need to influence the judicially in coming up with laws on sex with minors yet they are not legal experts in any way. Conclusion Thus, there are several factors necessary to be put into consideration in reviewing laws involving sex with children. In Singapore, the law is against a person having sex with a child under the age of 16. In addition to that, the law is tougher for those having sex with minors below the age of 14 is it considered as rape. In reviewing the law on sex with minors, it is important to consider judicial precedents, the different classes under which the sex laws with children falls and lastly, factor in public views on the same. The review of the law is crucial because the public believes that the law is too lenient to the convicts. References Chua, J. R., Chu, C. M., Yim, G., Chong, D., Teoh, J. (2014). Implementation of the Risk Need Responsivity framework across the juvenile justice agencies in Singapore.Psychiatry, Psychology and Law,21(6), 877-889. MOHAN, S. C. (2016). Underage Commercial Sex and 9 Criminal Prosecutions in Singapore.Interpersonal Criminology: Revisiting Interpersonal Crimes and Victimization. Radics, G. B. (2013). Decolonizing Singapore's Sex Laws: Tracing Section 377A of Singapore's Penal Code. Terry, K. (2012).Sexual offenses and offenders: Theory, practice, and policy. Nelson Education. Vendius, T. T. (2015). Proactive Undercover Policing and Sexual Crimes against Children on the Internet.European Review of Organised Crime,2, 6-24. Wittes, B., Poplin, C., Jurecic, Q., Spera, C. (2016). Sextortion: Cybersecurity, teenagers, and remote sexual assault.Center for Technology at Brookings. https://www. brookings. edu/wp- content/uploads/2016/05/sextortion1-1. pdf. Accessed,16.